Prison system in Uganda by Esther Dutki

Prison system in Uganda

A prison system is the organizational arrangement of the provision and operation of prisons and depending on their nature may invoke a corrections system.

A criminal suspect who has been charged with or is likely to be charged with criminal offence may be held on remand in prison if he is denied or unable to meet the conditions of bail prisons may also be used as a tool of political; repression to detain political prisoners , prisoners of conscience and enemies of the state. In times of war or conflict, prisoners of war may also be detained in prisons.

A prison is therefore place where people are physically confined and usually deprived of a range of freedoms (personal). Prisons form part of the criminal justice of a state important is a legal penalty that may be imposed by the state for the commission of a crime.

During colonial times, the principal penal was Luzira prisoners were separated according to categories such as long term convicts, recidivists, women, children, Asians and Europeans.

Cells for specific punishments and death row were separate from regular prisons. Government maintained smaller prisoners were separated according to categories such as long term convicts, recidivists, women, children, Asians and Europeans.

Cells for specific punishments and death row were separate from regular prisons. Government maintained smaller prisons for local convicts in Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro and Ankole terms of less than 6 months were served in smaller jails.

In 1964, the prisons service operated 30 prisons many of which were actually industrial/agricultural intended to rehabilitate prisoners. By mid 1968, the prisons service had a force of about 3000 under the command of the commissioner of prisoners.

During the 1970’s, civilian and military conditions deteriorated and prisoner abuse became common at Makindye and Mutukula military prisons, Langi and Acholi soldiers suspected of disloyalty to the then regime were murdered.

Prison conditions in the 1980’s were dismal. According to Amnesty international, the Obote regime imprisoned civilians without charge for political crimes.

In 1987, the president allowed the international committee of the Red Cross to survey the conditions of Uganda’s civil prisons. Although some reports suggested that prison conditions improved as a result, there had infact been little change.

There are two categories of prisons in Uganda. The central government prisons which are under the authority of the commissioner of prisons under the ministry of internal affairs and the local administrative prisons which are independently run by local government authorities.

In 1997, the Uganda human rights commission inspected twenty four government prisons and twelve local ones and in a report it was said that.

“Due to overcrowding, prison facilities such as toilets were overused, sanitation was poor. Flush toilets had broken down, most wards smelt badly. Inmates complained of lice, bedbugs and fleas. No prison visited had proper bedding. Prisoners slept on a bare floor without blankets. In most prisons including Ndorwa Gulu, Loro, Arua UHRC found many emaciated and sickly prisoners with exception of Luzira, no others had safe drinking water. In Kakiika central government prison (Mbarara) a nurse was found using one hypodermic needle to inject all sick prisoners, a practice which spreads HLV/AIDS, hepatitis among other infections.

Prison regulations prohibit beating of prisoners but in mates reported beating by warders and evidence would be seen on some of their bodies. While the law under the prisons Act Cap 304 allows for a prison officer to use such force against a prisoner as is reasonably necessary in order to make the prisoner obey lawful orders in order in order to maintain discipline in a prison; beating to an extent of leaving one hurt and scared is unjust.

The capacity of Uganda’s prisons is 13,000 people but right now there are 32,000 inmates country wide. Majority of the prisoners in this country are people on remand rather than those sentenced as a punishment. If one is kept on remand for as long a time as one would be kept if one was serving one’s sentence, it makes a mockery of criminal justice.

Julianne Sentambule’s husband was imprisoned for murder which he allegedly committed in September 2007 while on a business trip in Japan. He was arrested in December 2008 when he returned home to clear his name following rumors that he had killed his friend. He was detained for a week at two different police stations before being taken to a magistrate’s court where he was charged with conspiracy to murder.

Under the constitution of the Republic of Uganda, in the case of an offence triable only by the high court, if that person has been remanded in custody for one hundred and eighty days before the case is committed to high court, that person shall be released on bail on such conditions as the court considers reasonable.[1] Two years since he was arrested, he is still waiting for an opportunity to answer the charges. He has been scheduled on a number of occasions but each time, something comes up like the judge being out of the country or not being able to deal with all the cases in the time allocated.

Julianne is frustrated. Her husband’s case is one of the thousands of remand prisoners who have been denied a timely hearing due to an ineffective legal and judicial system.

In April, the government launched a Programme to ease the backlog where the chief justice said: “there is no doubt the case backlog violates the right of a fair and timely trial especially for the poor and marginalized who spend their hard earned resources on legal support only to be told that their cases cannot be heard”.

When some one is committed to the high court and they miss out on a hearing (like Julianne’s husband), they have to wait for the next convenient session. The trouble is that the convenient session may never come.

Under the constitution of the republic of Uganda, every citizen (accused) has a right to legal representation (state attorney) Uganda’s judicial system needs 250 magistrates (grade. One) to be fully functional of which there are only 105. They in turn are overwhelmed and as a result it is no surprise that the prisoner’s cases are slow. It is much harder for detainees to get bail if they do not have adequate legal representation. If a lawyer has 5 cases and a state attorney has 40, those who can afford a lawyer access swifter justice than those that cannot afford one.

In 1972 when Luzira was built, Uganda’s population was about four million. Today, Ugandans are over 30 million and very little has been done to expand or remodel the prison. A facility that was built to hold 600 in mates holds more than 6 times the number. Luzira which holds over 5% of Uganda’s prisoner’s is the only one with any kind of medical facilities which sometimes do not have the resources to treat sick people.

Dr. Michael Kyoma (Luzira) says “high walls at Luzira do not only keep prisoners in but also infectious diseases like tuberculosis. Designing prisons was about restricting points of escape and not ventilation for others”.

Uganda prison’s service officials estimate the rate of tuberculosis infection at about 20%. This is attributed to the lack of ventilation, poor health facilities and other problems in the prison system.

An inmate from Mbarara told his story of how he was moved from a prison near his home to one in Jinja and forced to do hard labor even when the wardens knew that he was HIV positive. He collapsed at work and was transferred to Luzira where he will stay until his tuberculosis is no longer considered active but prisoners are often returned to general wards while the disease is still contagious and so diseases continue to spread.

Cases have been heard of where people are convicted and imprisoned out of malice. One lady in prison on The Untold Story tells of how she came from work one day and found her neighbour’s dead body at her doorstep and on reporting to the LC’s and police, she has been on remand in Luzira pending trial for murder.

Issues such as capital punishment continue to hang since people remain convict to die although their sentence has not been carried out for various reasons one of which is a criminal justice system that is not foolproof and the possibility of an innocent person being killed remaining high.

The conditions of living are very poor-as seen earlier from lack of medical facilities, to one meal a day, no beds to sleep on or blankets to cover themselves. Sanitation in our prisons remains poor and for one to be condemned to such a life especially when their trial is still pending does not help much towards reformation of that individual. Rather, this suffering leaves them in many instances worse than before What then can be done?

Not everyone charged should go to court. Punishments can also be in the form of instant fines, cautions and community service which will also go to reduce the numbers of inmates and make their access to justice more efficient.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995

The prisons Act Cap 304

Websites:

Iwpr.net/report-news/Uganda-remand

www.plus news.org

www.progressive realist.org

Books

CIA World Fact Book-library of congress country studies

The New York sun September 4^th 2007

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Campus Chapter Update from IJM International

Greetings from IJM in D.C.!

We kicked off the fall semester with a phenomenal response from students across the country! Hundreds of individuals in nearly every state called their senators as part of the National Call-in Day in support of the Child Protection Compact Act. This day of action helped the bill pass unanimously through the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and we’re hopeful that the bill will pass in Congress in November. We’re organizing another call-in day next month and will keep you posted with the details!

Now it’s time for us to work together to mobilize students around the country to join the movement to end modern-day slavery in our time. One of my colleagues articulated just the other day, “Feeling bad about injustice is not good enough.” Well said, if you ask me. Learning about the injustice of violent oppression always hits us emotionally, but it can't stop there. We must act! Compassion must lead to commitment or it lacks the real power to make a difference.

The words of Ecclesiastes 4:1 ring true today —

Again I looked and saw all the oppression that was taking place under the sun: I saw the tears of the oppressed—and they have no comforter; power was on the side of their oppressors—and they have no comforter.

But the promise from Psalm 10:17 is also true —

O Lord, you will hear the desire of the meek; you will strengthen their heart, you will incline your ear to do justice for the orphan and the oppressed, so that those from earth may strike terror no more.

…that those from earth may strike terror no more. That's our battle cry — Terrify No More! And your leadership is essential in pressing the movement forward. We are God's plan for striking the fatal blow that will end slavery in our time. Collectively, we will be the difference between victory and defeat.

HERE'S THE PLAN
IJM staff will work tirelessly in the field to investigate, rescue victims, access aftercare, convict perpetrators and transform justice systems to work for the poor.
IJM Campus Chapters will be the voice of the Justice Generation—the emerging leaders of our day who know the truth about modern-day slavery and will settle for nothing less than a complete end to this violent oppression.
LET'S PRESS ON
Organize your Chapter. No one size fits all. Based on your context, build your core leadership, mobilize your core members, recruit a couple of advisors/sponsors who will commit the time needed to support you. Order a Tool Kit if you need one.
Communicate with IJM HQ. Update contact information for your Chapter—leaders, advisors—names, addresses, phone numbers and email addresses. Let us know when you need materials posters, wristbands, brochures, you name it! Stay in contact at chapters@ijm.org.
Join the IJM Campus Chapters Facebook group and follow us on Twitter - @IJMHQ, @IJMCampaigns, @IJMInistitute
Become an IJM Prayer Partner. All Campus Chapter leaders, members and advisors should receive these week updates for urgent prayer concerns from around the world.
Innovate. Innovation and entrepreneurial leadership is not just a fad, it works! Get creative. Think outside the box. Color everywhere, not just within the lines. Draw on the creative talent in your group. Make some noise. Get noticed. Press the movement.
Spread the love. Take pictures and post them on Facebook. Take video and hit YouTube and Vimeo. Write up your activities, attach media and get it to us ASAP. We’ll send it around the country to inspire and motivate others. Who knows, you might make it in the news or on MTV. We’re looking everywhere to let the world know what U.S. students are doing in the fight against slavery.
Raise tons of money. Rescue doesn’t happen without sending investigators, social workers and lawyers to the frontlines. Talk to us about specific targets for aiming your efforts to increase fundraising. Freedom Partner EDU, Loose Change to Loosen Chains.
Book the Voices for Freedom Tour. Nationally acclaimed Christian artists The Wrecking has partnered with IJM for an amazing tour incorporating their great sounds with messages of freedom from IJM. All the information you need to book this tour is found at www.voicesforfreedom.com.
Have an awesome fall semester. We can’t wait to hear from you.

Wayne

Wayne Barnard, Ph.D.
Director of Student Ministries
International Justice Mission

post election violence in Uganda by Rugimbi Sigmund

POST ELECTION VIOLENCE IN UGANDA; A FOCUS ON THE 2011 POLLS.

METHODOLOGY OF THE PRESENTATION;

An introduction on the subject matter of the paper that comprises of the reality about the electoral procedure of Uganda, it’s likely results on the Nation and the people at large.

Uganda’s political environment and the constitutional establishment of the electoral terms.

The current political contentious issues that definitely shape the outcomes of the elections. Some of these issues will include; The Electoral commission of Uganda,

A focus on the 34 political parties in Uganda,

The Interparty cooperation,

The NRM party (National Resistance Movement).

A picture of the general road to elections. Is it going to be democratic or is it going to be a perpetuation of the violence that characterizes most of the elections in Africa?

What are the likely consequences? Is it going to be violence?

And lastly a discussion from the members of IJM.

A post election period denotationally refers to that period when the choosing of a leader has been finished. Usually during this period there are consequences that follow and have a great impact on the politics of the country in which the elections are held. These consequences will depend on the manner in which the elections have been handled. Unfortunately in most parts of Africa the consequences that often follow defy the logic of the rule of law, democracy, Human Rights, and the freedoms of the people said to be protected by the Constitution. So that what results are the heinous crimes committed against humanity like the case was in Kenya where 1000 people died in post election violence clashes.

In Uganda the rules of the game of elections are handled with the interaction of four major institutions and these include the election management unit (the EC), the political parties, the legislature, and the courts. These institutions of governance are meant to ensure democratic accountability and increase the likelihood of free and fair electoral contests. Accountability is here understood to mean the ability of a given political community to check the excesses of political leaders, prevent anarchy or arbitrary rule and foster the rule of law. However it is important to remember that Democratic accountability is unlikely to evolve unless vibrant institutions of electoral governance and democracy are established.

To predict the outcomes of the 2011 polls we shall closely study how the previous election were handled and analyze whether the institutions guiding the electoral process in the period before, during and after the previous elections critically handled their roles. A question is thence posed; did these institutions really indicate a step toward an institutionalized democracy? Or was it pure political expediency that negates the concept of democracy and undermines election integrity?

An even more ambitious undertaking of this presentation is to elucidate more on the reality that surrounds the politics of Uganda.

The National Resistance Movement came into power in 1986 and it vowed never to rule in the shadow of its predecessors by protecting Ugandans from the horrible experience they had gone through in the hands of leaders like Amin. The party therefore vowed to ensure a steady democracy, rule of law and promotion and protection of Human Rights. However the NRM party has to some extent abandoned these virtues in the struggle to keep on leading Uganda.

The party has fallen victim to the evil it had planned to destroy. As the old saying goes, power is good but complete power corrupts indeed with the NRM acquiring complete power its reasoning has been gravely clouded with and addictive urge to remain in power and at all costs it has decided to remain in power. Perhaps explaining why the barbarism of post election violence will for a long time haunt Uganda.

Post election violence has become a cancer in Africa in fact it has become acharacteristic of elections to the extent that it has now become normal for elections to be coupled with violence in Africa. This is because African leaders never find it easy withdrawing from presidency as they hate losing the privileges that follow and the fear of being held accountable for the mistakes of their administrations. Due to this, they really need to clobber the opposition and all forms of criticism with the aim of staying in power this is the real cause of violence in Uganda and Africa at large. Leaders who deliberately refuse to step down even after they have out lived their resourcefulness.

The opposition has been accusing the NRM party that it is in the process of creating a violent militia to deploy in the elections; however the NRM party denies these allegations calling them baseless and senseless. Despite of all these allegations the opposition is trying hard to see that what happened in Kenya at the end of 2007 and in Zimbabwe at the beginning of 2008 does not happen in Uganda in 2011 so they have signed a protocol to work together with the NRM on poll electoral standards.

Ugandans are now somewhat optimistic about the 2011 polls saying that they will be free and fair since the international community has taken a keen interest in Ugandan politics. Louis Moreno Ocampo the ICC chief prosecutor spoke out on this issue and he said that,” Hague based court would pursue any perpetrators of any plitical violence in Africa”. Secondly the Obama administration persuaded Congress to take steps and direct Secretary of state Hillary Clinton to closely monitor preparations for the 2011 National elections in Uganda and help ensure they are free and transparent. Now that’s the good part, the bad part is that a new report by the human rights watch finds that the Ugandan government’s failure to investigate and prosecute politically motivated violence around previous National elections has reinforced a culture of impunity in the country, the ugly part of it all is that the report warns that continued impunity of political violence in the run up to Uganda’s 2011 national elections could sow the seeds of civil unrest. Too much for the optimism.

The paradox however is that while the president attributes most of the violence during and after elections to the indiscipline of the candidates, he indirectly champions the perpetuation of his legacy through a system that does not allow free and fair elections using violence and intimidation to instill tension and fear in the opposition. It is very important to remember that violence and intimidation undermines the credibility of Uganda’s presidential elections.

It is highly likely that two things may arise out of the 2011 polls and these are; violence and a coalition government and as a way of resolving the former the latter( coalition government) may arise just like how it was in Kenya with Kibaki and Odinga or in Zimbabwe between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangarai. This is my hypothesis on what the 2011 polls are likely to breed. The harassment of journalists and editors, self censorship, inequality in media access, irregularities in the electoral registration of voters and clobbering the opposition are ironically the true paraphenalia with which the 2011 polls will be manned.

The current political contentious issues that weave the political fabric of Uganda are worth discussing about. Uganda has a plethora of issues that will create complexities in the forth coming elections these include; the issue of the Buganda Kingdom and how it has chosen to be indirectly political, The said incompetence of the Electoral commission, the involvement of the military in the campaign process, the various political parties in the country, and the newly founded Interparty cooperation. These issues need delicate handling and I will carefully dissect each and every one of them.

THE KINGDOM OF BUGANDA;

When it comes to the question of Buganda many complexities arise, as we all must have learnt this kingdom’s interests are not in tandem and have never been with the interests of the ruling party. Buganda has always hated being subordinated to the central government since the idea of regaining its autonomy has repeatedly been gagged down and most annoyingly baffled by the central government. In fact to take you back in history the 1958 elections of the first legislative council representatives were boycotted by Buganda, a kingdom that demanded special recognition within the state of Uganda. That is how bad the situation went at the time. Over the years the disagreements between this once superior kingdom and the central government became uncontrollable and the climax of these strong differences resulted in the storming of the kabaka’s palace in 1966 by Obote who later pronounced himself Head of state. The kingdom was thence done away with but only for a while as Museveni later restored the cultural institutions with an aim of painting a democratic picture. ironically the kingdom has now become one of Museveni’s most worrying troubles. They say history repeats its self and what we are looking at is a threatening and some how ripe rebirth of the events of 1958 and 1966.Given this short historical background, how does the issue of Buganda affect the forth coming elections?

It is no longer a secrete that Buganda has gone political in fact some officials with in the Mengo government have decided to stand for political posts with the aim of gaining a stronghold within the politics of the central government. In doing this they plan on gaining a political say that will in turn benefit their kabaka and the interests of the kingdom at large, secondly some political parties on the opposition are using the kingdom as a tool of criticism against the Museveni administration which he has not taken lightly, thirdly Buganda through her sensitization campaigns has amassed gargantuan support from the Baganda who are the largest ethnic tribe in Uganda. This is clearly political and very threatening to the smooth running of the 2011 polls and above all a clear threat to Museveni. The central government cannot dance to Buganda’s tunes and the only way to curb this threat will be through the use of violence and intimidation just like in 1966.

THE IMCOMPETENCE OF THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION;

Elections are central to the democratization process and serve as instruments for delegating authority from citizens to representatives. For this authority to be effectively delegated, the electoral process must be perceived to be fair by the voters, parties ,candidates and the civil society(Elklit&Reynolds,2002).To ensure legitimacy, the electoral process hinges on the perception among voters and candidates that the process has been conducted in a way that does not, in advance ensure a certain outcome (Przeworski,1991).To ensure legitimacy the electoral process should therefore be regulated by constitutional rules and special legislation as well as by cultural norms developed to govern the behavior of the actors (Julius Kiiza,Sabiti Makara and Lise Rakner) The electoral commission should therefor be free from political forces.

This institution is established under Article 60 of the Ugandan constitution and its functions are clearly stipulated under Article 61 they include; ensuring regular, free, and fair elections, organizing, conducting and supervising elections, voter education,demarcation of constituencies, publication and declaration in writing of the results, and any other functions that parliament or the law may direct. These are the true constitutional functions of the Electoral commission in Uganda.

Unfortunately there have been breaches of the constitutional functions mentioned herein due to the influences of political powers, the Ugandan Electoral commission has only been a tool of the executive as was witnessed in 2006 where it was held accountable for the immense irregularities in the presidential elections. Stooges that must sympathize with the current government are the ones appointed making the commission gullible to the decisions of the executive. The recent scenario has been that of threatening to boycott the commission’s participation in the electoral procedure if the chairman was not removed, reports on the irregularities in the voter’s registry have been published thus showing how incompetent the commission really is. Ugandans are now convinced that the electoral commission is a sham and has become a frigate with which the executive intends to further its political impropriety and expedient goals.

With such a reputation the commission is grooming a hostile violence that will injure this nation and its innocent citizens.

THE MILLITARY;

It is a known fact that this ingredient cannot miss at one point or another in the campaigns. This tool is the parent of fear, intimidation, and violence in the political arena that the NRM largely presents to it’s competitors. A militia will be deployed to deal with all the issues that cannot be resolved in dialogue and this with no doubt makes violence an inevitable stage during and after the elections. It is the tool with which Museveni will clobber the opposition.

THE VARIUS POLITICAL PARTIES IN UGANDA;

There are 34 political parties in Uganda that are registered by the electoral commission. The ugly truth however is that these parties are not one in ideology and they have even gone a head to criticize themselves.Uganda lacks a united opposition to counter the might of the NRM. This confusion creates a violence that usually gives the NRM a chance to always out maneuver them and as a result they turn to violent measures in contest of the election results. Fortunately a coalition has been made by some parties. This is a great plan but scholars criticize this master plan as pointless and call it a loose coalition that will only ripen conflicts of interest and besides out of the 34 parties it is only 5 parties that are in this coalition. Uganda People’s Congress withdrew from the idea due to its long time differences with Buganda. It should be noted that some of the parties in the coalition are pro Buganda autonomy, Democratic party also declined from this alliance due to its differences with the Forum for democratic change. It is not a surprise that this very confusion is one of the greatest contributors of post election violence. Our opposition lacks singleness of purpose.

In fact now that politics has been commercialized by the greedy politicians some political parties are simply formed because they also want to enjoy robbing public money. It is no longer about service but rather how to profit from politics which is another counted contributor to post election violence. No one seems to care.

The road to the 2011 polls is a bumpy and messy one the political actors are insensitive of what may occur and the likely consequence will be VIOLENCE. The challenge now is how does someone like you and I help to curb this evil? In other words what are the likely solutions that will stop this?

IJM Founder Gary Haugen's Recent Article in "Foreign Affairs"

Link to Article

Link to an IJM Justice story from Zambia

Link to Zambia Story

Human Wrong Initiative

Please follow the link to check out IJM's "Human Wrong Initiative."

Link to Human Wrong Initiative

IJM International Campus Chapter Update - April 27

Dear IJMers:

Wow! My first Global Prayer Gathering was an amazing experience. This is a “must do” for you next April. Mark your calendars now for April 8-10, 2011. And if you weren’t able to join us in D.C. this year, check out GPG Online where you can watch the main sessions and experience prayer rooms through the live blog archive.

The Friday afternoon student event was filled to capacity. More than 150 students from 30 different schools joined us for an afternoon of learning more about IJM—sharing ideas from one another’s campuses and interacting with IJM field office and headquarters staff. The remainder of the weekend was spent hearing from the field, and spending time in worship, praise and prayer. Sunday afternoon we had a number of students who remained for advocacy training and then joined us on Monday for Advocacy Day on Capitol Hill.

Year-End Details

For many of you, the semester is quickly coming to a close. Here are some details that would help us in closing out this year and planning for next year:

Please send us your new slate of officers/committee members and their e-mail addresses and contact information.
Be looking for a brief survey we would like for you to complete within the next few weeks.
Send in any fundraising checks so we can process them for this year.
Send us write-ups of your programs this year; we’d also like pictures so we can highlight your events.
For those of you who are blitzing your campuses with fundraisers and Justice Campaigns using the CPCA cards, please be sure to send in your cards and checks as soon as you complete your events.
Contact Information:
Email address:
Chapters@ijm.org
Mailing address:
Student Ministries
International Justice Mission
PO Box 58147
Washington, DC 20037-8147
Welcome to New IJM Campus Chapters:

University of Colorado
University of Alabama at Birmingham
Belmont University, Nashville, TN
Washington and Jefferson College, Washington, PA
West Chester University, West Chester, PA
University of Illinois, Chicago
IJM Summer Campaign

The Underground Railroad Tour benefiting IJM with Venture Expeditions still has space for a few more riders — consider this life-changing opportunity to bring rescue to the oppressed by raising awareness across the U.S.

Fall Planning

As you begin planning for your Fall Kick-Off, consider these possibilities to mobilize students on your campus.

At the End of Slavery
Human Wrong Campaigns
Freedom Partner EDU
Justice Campaigns
Prayer Partnerships
Loose Change to Loosen Chains
Thank you all for your partnership this year. Next month’s newsletter will recap the year and also highlight the many events around the country through which you actively worked to end modern-day slavery and human trafficking. Remember, for victims of violent oppression, the difference between life and death, freedom and prison, justice and injustice, often simply depends on whether or not someone can show up on their behalf.

This year you have shown up in tremendous ways, and we praise God for your invaluable partnership.

Grace and peace,

Wayne

Wayne Barnard, Ph.D.
Director of Student Ministries
International Justice Mission

IJM Campus Chapter Update

Dear IJMers:

Spring is in the air! The snow in D.C. has finally melted, daylight savings time has changed, and spring break vacations are well underway. Many of you are planning trips of service, and some are making trips to visit IJM headquarters. We’re always thrilled to have our partners visit us here in D.C., especially joining us for our daily 11:00 am prayer and further conversations about ways to engage the work of justice through IJM.

The Global Prayer Gathering is next month, and we’re gearing up for a special time with students on Friday, April 9. Many of you have registered this year, and we’re excited that you’re joining us for this unique engagement of prayer, praise and fellowship with IJM field office staff and partners from around the world. For those of you who have not registered, I’m sorry to say that we are now at full capacity. To place your name on the wait list, please call IJM at 703.465.5495.

Many of you are taking your engagement to the next level by funding the work of justice on a monthly basis through our new Freedom Partner EDU program. My family and I have made this commitment, and now my son has become a Freedom Partner at the student level as part of his tithe. Check out Freedom Partner EDU on our website and decide today to join IJM professionals around the world who serve on the frontlines of fighting injustice. Our support allows them to show up on behalf of those who are violently oppressed. Click here to read the amazing story of Jayashri and her “just-in-time” rescue.

It’s not too late to organize awareness campaigns on your campus. Here’s a taste of what’s happening on campuses this spring.

Justice Week, Abilene Christian University, Abilene, TX
At the End of Slavery screening, Appalachian State University, Boone, NC
International Focus Week, Ozark Christian College, Joplin, MO
Justice Day, King College, Bristol, TN
Justice Week, Baylor University, Waco, TX
Justice Presentation, North Carolina A&T University, Greensboro, NC
Welcome 3 New IJM Campus Chapters:

University of Illinois at Chicago
University of Florida
Gonzaga University
Special congratulations to the Abilene Christian University IJM Campus Chapter for their 10-year partnership with IJM as the first IJM Campus Chapter, established in 1999. The longevity of this group testifies to the ability of students to maintain and enhance strong leadership in promoting the work of justice on a university campus. We look forward to celebrating similar milestones with all of our Campus Chapters.

If you want more information about the Chapter events listed above, please get in touch with us. Also, we always love to get updates of what you’re doing and planning for this spring, please email us!

Blessings,

Wayne

Wayne Barnard, Ph.D.
Director of Student Ministries
International Justice Mission

IJM Field Office Conducts Training for UCU Clinical Legal Education Class

UCU was glad to welcome employees from the IJM Uganda Field Office on Wednesday, 3 February, 2010.

The IJM Field Office sent seven employees including Field Office Director Jesse Rudy and new Community Relations Director Raymond Tang to conduct the training.

This was the third clinical training conducted by the IJM Uganda Field Office since May of 2009.

We are so very thankful of the commitment that the IJM Uganda Field Office shows for its partnership with Uganda Christian University!

Skype Session with University of Georgia Chapter of IJM

We plan to Skype the University of Georgia (USA) Chapter of International Justice Mission on Wednesday Morning at 6:00 a.m. from the Clinical Conference Room.

Any members that want to participate in the Skype are welcome to attend.

During the Skype we hope to connect with these fellow IJM'ers, discuss what our chapters do, and talk about potential ways that our chapters can partner and work together.

Hope you can make it!

-Brian